Call for Proposals for ACSSI Fellowship Programme

The International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL) along with their partners African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS) is pleased to announce theAfrican Civil Society Support Initiative Regional Fellowship Programme.The Programme will allow civil society leaders and freedom of association advocates to spend three to four weeks working with a host NGO in another country in the region. Fellows will have the opportunity to share knowledge and experience with NGO leaders in other countries, build practical skills needed to advance civil society law initiatives, gain regional exposure, and build regional coalitions for reform.
We will be awarding three regional fellowships to qualified civil society leaders and human rights advocates. Both fellow and host organization must be from Sub-Saharan Africa with countries with restrictive legal environments given priority. This is an action-oriented fellowship designed to provide opportunities to engage with other practitioners and experts in the region to advance the legal environment for civil society throughout the region. At the end of the fellowship, fellows will be required to submit a final report highlighting their learning outcomes and detailing how their new experiences will impact ongoing law reform in their home countries.  ICNL will cover the cost of travel to and from the host city as well as room and board for the agreed-upon time period.
Applicants must submit a completed application, proposal, and a CV by 30th September 2013. All fellowships will take place between the period of 11th November – 9th December 2013 (flexibility of the exact dates during this month available). Organizations in Sub Saharan Africa are also invited to contact ICNL or ACDHRS if they are interested in hosting a fellow.
Proposals must focus on the legal environment for civil society (for example, the rules governing the establishment, operation, funding or sustainability of NGOs, NGO-government relations, freedom of association, freedom of assembly, etc.). We are particularly interested in fellowship activities that will support an ongoing reform initiative in the fellow’s home country.
Proposals should: 
•Be 5 pages in length;
•Outline in great detail your past and present work experience relating to the legal framework for civil society;
•Highlight the issue(s) you would like to focus on during the Fellowship;
•Explain how your Fellowship will contribute to the development of the legal environment for civil society in your country;
•Describe in detail your interest and commitment to remaining engaged on the legal framework for civil society upon your return home;
•Address potential conflicts and establish a solution;
•Have an attached CV (3 pages max) with personal information included (applicant’s name, mailing address, email address and phone number) and description of language capabilities.
(Upload a PDF or Word Document)
Potential fellows should:
•Possess African citizenship;
•Hold a Masters Degree or an Undergraduate Degree (in a related field to law, development studies, international studies) with three year professional experience;
•Have worked with the organisation for over a year and show dedication in continuing of his/her work with this organisation;
•Display knowledge of the legal framework governing civil society.
Applications will be evaluated based on the following factors: 
•Compliance with eligibility requirements and application procedures;
•Past or present experience in civil society law as a lawyer, academic, government official, or NGO leader;
•Demonstrated interest in NGO law reform;
•Quality of the proposed activity, including the significance of the issue to be studied;
•Likelihood that the Fellowship will help advance the legal framework for civil society in the applicant’s country;
•Commitment to continue working on civil society legal issues for a minimum of 12 months upon the applicant’s return home, and ability to effect change based upon leadership potential.
•Applications that identify a preferred host organisation and demonstrate some familiarity or prior contact between the fellow the potential host organisation will be looked upon favourably.



Egypt’s scorched earth

Mariz Tadros


In the midst of the tragedy that Egypt is living through, Mariz Tadros looks at the future scenarios for the Muslim Brothers


Thursday was a day of funerals in Egypt. Most international actors have rightly condemned the ruthless violence witnessed against the pro-Morsi protestors, but with the exception of Catherine Ashton of the EU, they have turned a blind eye to the violence witnessed across the country over the course of the same day.

In reprisal for the assault on the protestors, pro-Morsi factions have literally set the country on fire. Just to give you a sense of the scope of devastation, this is a quick list of some of the targets:

Six police stations were attacked in Minya, some torched, and one in Fayoum

There were attacks on property belonging to the Coptic Christians who account for about 10 percent of the population in 9 governorates across Egypt, in what amounts to one of the largest assaults in contemporary history. 

40 places of worship were attacked and 19 were completely destroyed. Other reports have listed 64 places of worship attacked.

Several schools, an orphanage, shops and other property were burnt in Minya, Luxor and Qena.

Homes were also attacked. It is unclear yet what the full scale of fatalities/injuries are.  One Coptic citizen was tied to a tractor and dragged in the streets until he died. 

And this is all in one day.

The Muslim Brotherhood claim that they are not implicated in the attacks on Christian places of worship, property or homes. The evidence suggests otherwise. First, the mobs who have undertaken all of these assaults were making pro-Morsi chants, and the fact that some of them were affiliated to the Salafis, gama’at Islamiyya and other jihadi groups does not suggest their independence from the Brothers.  These Islamist forces have publicly announced their support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Second, Muslim Brotherhood  figures have been openly blaming the Christians for their predicament in a campaign that has been systematically geared towards inciting violence against them for several weeks now. Coptic citizens in several communities in Upper Egypt have been, and continue to live in complete terror. Informants told me there are families that are now too scared to step into the street. The attacks have been happening since the 3rd of July when Morsi was ousted from the presidency.

What is suggested here is that these assaults comprise an orchestrated plan to avenge by and for the Brothers. While the attacks on the Christians do not in any way justify or vindicate the security’s ruthless dispersal of the pro-Morsi supporters in Egypt yesterday, it does, however, challenge the image of a non-violent Islamist movement whose only method of expressing its resistance is peaceful protest. What scholars refer to as scorched earth, a defeated force’s destruction, often by fire of everything that may be useful to its enemy, as it withdraws or is forced to retreat, is exactly the policy that the pro-Morsi factions have implemented in Egypt since Wednesday. Roads are blocked, railway lines are occupied, public buildings have been torchedand Egyptians are truly fearful of reprisals from the Brothers. Vigilante groups were set up in several districts across Egypt to protect public and private property.

This is a repeat of the scorched earth scenario that was witnessed on the 28th of January, 2011 when citizens also had to set up vigilante groups to fend for themselves against increasing violence in public space. Yet the western mainstream media made hardly any mention of the scale of devastation instigated by the Islamists across the country that was happening outside Rab’a Square. The fear and terror that citizens have been living in the past fifty days (since the ousting of Morsi on the 3rd July) in many parts of the county would perhaps explain why non-pro-Morsi supporters have not responded to the Brothers’ plea for Egyptians to now take to the street to endorse them.

At this instance, violent reprisals from pro-Morsi supporters continue across the country.

So where does this leave us? Western actors will play a crucial role in the upcoming period. The failure of western powers to capture the extent to which the vast scope of the citizenry sees the Brotherhood as a perpetrator of violence – not only a victim of violence, may lead to some fatal mistakes being made in foreign policy.

As for the Muslim Brothers, there are several scenarios possible;

The first is that the Muslim Brotherhood steps up violent reprisals in Egypt in a continued scorched earth strategy, made possible through the network of relations with other Islamist movements.

Another scenario is a repeat of 1954 when President Nasser and the Muslim Brothers fell out and followers were subjected to repression, which led to the movement going underground and many of its members leaving overseas. This is likely to be the fate of the senior leaders running the Brotherhood concurrently. 

It is possible that the Muslim Brothers channel their political activism through the other existing Islamist parties (most notably the Nour Salafi party) while another faction turns exclusive to da’wa work (propagation of the faith) through its mosques and other establishments.  This is likely to be the fate of the rank and file of the Muslim Brothers who have had an ideological (not organizational) affinity with the Salafis anyway.

Another scenario is that the Brothers assume opposition from overseas via setting up political office in the Diasporas. In view of the fact that the international bureau of the Muslim Brotherhood is based overseas and plays an instrumental role in strategizing, this is a viable option. How effective the opposition from overseas will also greatly dependent on how much western endorsement they receive.

An optimum scenario is that the Muslim Brotherhood reinvents itself such as that a generation of politically astute young people assume leadership of the movement reconfigure power from within, and becomes an active political actor. The strength of their ties with the rank and file is unknown and much will depend on it.

In the midst of this tragedy that Egypt is living through, it is possible that the current situation opens inroads for the internal reform of the Muslim Brotherhood. Ultimately, it is not just the internal forces that will influence what happens next. The worst scenario for the country and the movement is the current violent impasse. The fact that there has been minimal condemnation from the West of the Islamists’ scorched earth policy is being perceived by many Egyptian citizens as an endorsement of the Brothers’ bid to reclaim power. That can only hurt the Brothers and the country as well, and serve to deepen the widening rift between the West and the citizenry.


Mariz Tadros is a fellow at the Institute of Development Studies, Sussex University, and author of The Muslim Brotherhood in Contemporary Egypt: Democracy redefined or confined? and the just released, Copts at the crossroads: the challenge of building an inclusive democracy in contemporary Egypt (Oxford University of America Press 2013)

The Dynamics of Power: De-constructing the Single Narrative of the Rural Woman


The Dynamics of Power: De-constructing the Single Narrative of the Rural Woman.

By Danielle Agyemang (ACDHRS)

The printed text in my development theory books often blur. The heavy discourse seemed to always be drenched in self righteous proclamations, burdened assumptions, bland sameness and unexplored, unconquered nuance.

The rural woman: bearer of culture, soured by responsibility. She is reduced to simple irony, scorched by the very sun that cultivates her being and her crops. She is strong  but she is unwilling; she is loyal yet invisible. Passive, oppressed, fearful, uninspired , victim, ignorant, poor…

 On the 20th,-21st  of June 2013, The National Forum to build synergy and capacitise regional pressure groups on advocacy and lobbying skills for the promotion and protection of women’s rights, empowerment and political representation was implemented in Pakalinding, The Gambia by the African Centre for Democracy and Human Rights Studies (ACDHRS), UNDP, and The Ministry of Finance and Ecomomic Affairs.

 The objectives of this forum were to build capacities in advocacy and lobbying, resource mobilization, leadership & group management skills, Women’s political empowerment, participation and representation in governance. It was also an opportunity to learn and share experiences from the different regions for better and effective action towards improving the livelihoods of Gambian women.

‘Resource persons were selected from various stakeholder institutions within the region, Lower River Region to deliver the relevant information and skills to the 35 women representatives of the pressure groups,(which were established through the Raising her Voice Project) who attended this two days training'(Report 1, 2013).

 The women at this forum represent the 5 regions in The Gambia. By text book definitions, they are rural, they are indeed poor. However, they possess a richness that defies their academically and socially prescribed identity as abject and voiceless.

 The room, vibrant with diverse backgrounds, set the tone for sharing and perspective. Patterned fabric, reflective of their intricate and colorful experiences, were suited and large head ties, worn like crowns, graced the heads of these women. Their clothing, just as loud as their voices were exuberant and exhilarating; a complete contradiction to the homely, sickly woman printed in campaign ads that beacon they type of empowerment that could be bestowed.

 Alert with conviction, they eagerly brought forth the issues in their respective areas. However, the conversation did not stop there. They came with solutions and action plans, questions and suggestions that actively incorporated them in the process of development, and most importantly in pursing their rights and empowerment.

 Contributions from the participants included the desire for further training, capacity building workshops, consensus building, greater infrastructure, reduction of GBV, Government to revisit the taxes levied on basic food items so the cost commensurate with the purchasing powers of the ordinary person, To maximize the returns from vegetable production, leaders should advocate for production staggering to avoid glut in the market, and much more.

 Articulate and sure of what she wants, she discussed political strategy and identified structural as well as cultural barriers in achieving their rights. She proclaimed that the lack of resources often confine their productivity and sustainability but it does not dampen the fire they feel in their hearts to create transformative change and assume leadership positions in politics.

 Another, shared her experience with group management, cohesiveness and garnering adequate support; while, another woman discussed the failure of women to pursue their rights because of family pressure and fear.  This particular contribution was the catalyst for the debate that energized all the women to speak at once. High and low tones of Mandinka flooded the room; some voices, louder and bolder than others, demanded attention, as others pleaded for understanding.

The women nodded, cheered and clapped in agreement as the eldest lady in the room spoke so passionately about democratic process, transparency and accountability as integral parts of participating in governance.

I love how these women speak of power and leadership; it is not a foreign language or alien concept. It is not something that they speak of in retrospect. It is inherent, yet something they want to build on. They speak of power and leadership as if it lived and thrived only in their language, only in their communities and culture. They owned it, it could not be given nor taken away.

These women are not complacent! They are angry, frustrated, hopeful, inspired, motivated; very unlike how they are constructed to be.

The realized complexities of these women that this forum brought out, challenges the norms and linear perceptions of them, which are often reiterated and perpetuated by society, culture, religion, and even the entities that work to ’empower’ women. Regarding rural women through the lens of a single narrative has the potential to subjugate them to even more hardship and violence as their power becomes less realized and their voices less heard. There is much danger in overgeneralizing and colating the experiences of rural women.